Tesi di laurea di Emanuela Dolcini - 1938: L'opinione pubblica britannica e l'antisemitismo fascista





TO every informed person the inevitability of an open clash between Fascism and International Jewry has long been obvious. For Fascism arose as Italy's (and Europe's) reply and antidote to Bolshevism, and Bolshevism is essentially the creation of International Jewry. Is it necessary at this time to emphasise the point? To remind the public that the patron-saint of Bolshevists is the Jew Mordecai, better known as Karl Marx? That the Russian Revolution was both financed and organised almost entirely by Jews That Lenin and Stalin, though apparently not of Jewish descent, both married Jewesses and worked in the most intimate contact with Jews? That wherever Bolshevism has raised its head, the leadership has been Jewish? That the Hungarian Terror of 1919 was presided over by the Jew Bela Kun? That the same Bela Kun was more recently sent to foment the Red Revolution in Spain? That the Bavarian Revolution of 1918 was led by the Jews Kurt Eisner, Cohen, Rosenfeld, etc.? That the Red Revolution in Prussia was led by Lundsberg, Rosa Luxembourg and other Jews? That Jews were responsible for the butchery of the Romanoff family? All these things are a matter of history.

Now, if Bolshevism is Jewish and if Fascism arose as an antidote to Bolshevism, the enmity of Jewry towards Fascism needs little demonstration. And, indeed, as early as June 4,1919, Mussolini had written in the "Popolo d'ltalia" words which must have put him once for all in Jewry's black books.

"If Petrograd does not fall, if Denikin marks time, this is due to the will of the great Jewish bankers of London and New York, bound by ties of race to those Jews who at Moscow and at Budapest are taking their revenge against the Aryan race which has condemned them to dispersion for so many centuries. In Russia, 80 per cent. of the directors of the Soviets are Jewish. . . . World finance is in the hands of the Jews. Those who control the coffers of the nations direct their policies. Behind the puppets of Paris are the Rothschilds, the Warburgs, the Schiffs, the Guggenheims, who are of the same blood as the rulers of Petrograd and Budapest. Race does not betray race. Bolshevism is defended by the International Money Power. That is the broad truth. And the International Money Power is controlled and dominated by the Jews."

International Jewry has done little to conceal its hatred of the man who wrote these words. Through its enormous influence over the Press, the Cinema, the Radio, it has poured forth a continuous stream of anti-Fascist propaganda in the so-called "democratic" countries, misrepresenting and maligning Fascism in a way which is almost incredible in its virulence and its disregard for truth. After the closing of the Masonic Lodges in Italy, this campaign was redoubled in intensity. Nor has Jewry been content to leave the matter at mere propaganda. Its strategy has taken the form of a siege, which, like military sieges, includes two complementary modes of attack; namely, to reduce the defenders by starvation and to reduce them by direct military action.

Italy—and, since the advent to power of Herr Hitler, the same thing is true of Germany—is in the position of being besieged by International Jewry. By tariff and other manipulations, it has been made increasingly difficult for her to secure the raw materials and other necessities on which her economic life is based. It is for this reason that Italy (and Germany after her) has been compelled to adopt the policy of economic self-sufficiency (or autarchy) which the democratic countries so greatly resent.

The siege reached its most critical moment during the Abyssinian War, when the Sanctions policy attempted to starve Italy into surrender. It still continues; but, since the failure of Sanctions, the energy of Italy's enemies has been concentrated mainly on

building up a great military bloc which would dominate Italy not only by withholding supplies, but by the application or threat of overwhelming military force. To this Italy has replied by the Rome-Berlin axis, and its extension, in the form of the anti-Comintern Pact, to Japan.

Italy feels, then, that in effect she has long been undergoing a siege—a siege directed by International Jewry, acting through the Governments of Washington, Paris, London and Moscow. At the same time she has living in her midst at least 70,000 persons of the same blood and race as her besiegers. That sooner or later difficulties would arise over these 70,000 was a foregone conclusion.

Such is the general position. The precipitation of the crisis at a particular moment in 1938 may be due to several converging reasons. The inner circle of Fascists has from the beginning been aware of the Jewish problem and has taken measures gradually to remove Jews from key positions. Quietly but surely it has prepared for the inevitable clash. But it did not wish either to force the issue or to raise it publicly before the time was ripe. The raising of it today is not due to German pressure or dictation, as is sometimes supposed. But the formation of the Rome-Berlin axis has its importance, inasmuch as it gave Italy an added strength with which to face the concentrated fury to which her open flinging down of the gauntlet in the face of International Jewry must inevitably expose her. Again, information discovered in the archives of the late Viennese Government about Jewish activities in Italy was communicated to Signer Mussolini by Herr Hitler and hastened Italian precautions. There is reason to believe, also, that sections of Italian Jewry have not succeeded in concealing their marked sympathy for the Spanish Reds, and that they have helped them with money also. Again, the existence of Zionist propaganda among Italy's Jews has emphasised the perils of a divided loyalty. Is the Jew's first duty to his own race or to the State in which he is domiciled? The answer has not always appeared reassuring to Italian inquiry. The question was rendered the more acute by the conflict between Arab and Jew in Palestine, and Italy's sympathy with the former. Italy was also alarmed at the influx of Jewish refugees from other countries crowding into a territory already highly populated and exposed to the dangers of an economic blockade. Again, Jews were discovered to be smuggling Italian currency out of the country and in other ways abetting the enemies of Italy beyond her frontiers, while Jewish writers and thinkers were felt to be spreading undesirable and weakening doctrines within. It is also whispered that the Italian Government has yet other reasons for its action, but does not disclose them for fear of inciting indiscriminate popular anger against the Jewish race as a whole. Finally, there was always the consideration that, in the uncertain conditions of today, economic siege might at any moment be changed into definite military siege. Was it not essential to take measures which might neutralise the power of the 70,000 Jews within her frontiers to give assistance to the besieging hosts set in motion by their fellow-Jews outside? Jews in Spain had once opened the gates of Spanish cities to the invading Moslem hosts. Might not history repeat itself? Italians have a long memo. But however suddenly the Jewish question may appear to have arisen in Italy, it is important to realise that the measures adopted to meet it are neither sudden nor improvised, but embody much thought and study of the problem by a body of experts. On the whole, they may be said to represent an orthodox point of view, and one which, while fully aware of the crucial nature of the problem, is yet free from any racial hatred or spirit of revenge. Indeed the new legislation is, in effect, like so much else in Fascism, a return to old Italian tradition.

For more than a thousand years there existed no Jewish question in the modern sense of the words. The much-abused Ghetto provided a good working arrangement which, in spite of friction, roughly satisfied the desires of both parties. It safeguarded for the Jew the racial purity, the religious separation and the secrecy of life which he has always so greatly valued. It satisfied the Christian's desire to keep his religion free from Talmudic contamination and to keep the Jew out of public and social life. The materialistic philosophy of the 18th century, the advance of Judaeo-Masonic ideas, together with the French Revolution in which they issued, brought this salutary barrier between Jew and Christian toppling to the ground, and the Jewish current henceforward flowed freely into the stream of Christian life, with consequences whose disastrous nature we are only

now beginning to understand. Fascist legislation about the Jews represents an attempt to get back to the spirit, but not, of course, to the letter of an arrangement which for so many centuries served both parties in such good stead.

The Jew in our midst must be treated as a foreigner —that is the basis of the Fascist policy. A foreigner often enjoys an excellent position and standing in the country where he resides, out he is not allowed to take part in public life; he is not allowed a vote, nor is he eligible for election to Parliament or to hold positions in the Army, Navy or Air Force. From such activities Italy is determined to exclude her Jews. Nor does she intend that they should, as in the past, play a predominant part in her economic life. The channels in which that life flows must be determined by Italian nationals in accordance with Italian needs. The amount of property which can be held by Jews, whether in land, buildings or industrial shares, is limited in accordance with this principle. They can share in Italy's economic life, but they cannot dominate it nor determine policy. Again, the old reluctance to countenance marriage between Jews and Christians is reflected in legislation of a drastic character. A study of what has happened in other countries has convinced the Italians of the wisdom of the old taboo in the interest of their race's future. This separation of race is followed by a separation of education. The permeation of Italian education and thought by Jewish influences has caused very serious concern to Italian patriots, especially as it affects university circles. In future the Jew in Italy will attend Jewish schools and colleges, and will not be allowed to study and teach in Aryan institutions. What is this legislation, in effect, but a return under the conditions of modern life to principles tested out successfully for more than thirty generations?

The putting into effect of such a body of legislation. even when it is carried out by so kindly a nation as the Italian and even though many families are excepted in view of proved loyalty and distinguished public service, inevitably involves a certain amount of undeserved suffering in individual cases. It is pointed out, however, that such suffering, where it cannot be avoided, is the price that must be paid in order to save both Jews and Christians from much greater evils. Also that it is simply infinitesimal when compared with the appalling persecutions launched upon Christians by the Jewish masters of Russia, Hungary and Bed Spain in their hour of triumph.

The Jew, then, is to be treated like a foreigner. The Fascist Government recognises, however, that if he is to be deprived of a share in the public life of other countries, he should be afforded the chance of having a public life of his own. Accordingly it desires to see a National Home created for the Jews by joint international effort. Palestine, it feels, is not eligible in this capacity, on account both of its smallness and of the anger of the whole Moslem world. Fascism seeks, therefore, to awaken other countries to the urgency of finding another solution. Meanwhile it is proposing to set aside a part of Ethiopia to be run as a Jewish state under general Italian control. But this, while it may be of the utmost value as an experiment and a working model, cannot of itself suffice. The final solution of the problem of a Jewish National Home must be on larger lines. And a steady advance towards its solution is of urgent importance to the whole human race. The matter is summarised so far as Italy is concerned in an official declaration of February 16, 1938, from which is drawn the following:—

"The Jewish problem on a world scale can be solved in one way only, viz., by creating in some part of the world, but not in Palestine, the Jewish State—a State in the full sense of the word, and competent therefore to represent and safeguard through the normal diplomatic and consular channels all the masses of Jews scattered among the different nations."

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© Morashà 2001 - Emanuela Dolcini 2001.

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